Bhagat Singh
Reizh pe jener | paotr ![]() |
---|---|
Bro ar geodedouriezh | Raj breizhveuriat ![]() |
Anv e yezh-vamm an den | ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ![]() |
Anv-familh | Singh ![]() |
Deiziad ganedigezh | 28 Gwe 1907 ![]() |
Lec'h ganedigezh | Banga, Raj breizhveuriat ![]() |
Deiziad ar marv | 23 Meu 1931 ![]() |
Lec'h ar marv | Lahore ![]() |
Doare mervel | kastiz ar marv ![]() |
Abeg ar marv | krougañ ![]() |
Yezh vamm | pandjabeg ![]() |
Yezhoù komzet pe skrivet | saozneg, pandjabeg ![]() |
Yezh implijet dre skrid | saozneg ![]() |
Kondaonet evit | muntr ![]() |
Micher | rebell, oberour, freedom fighter, reveulzier ![]() |
Relijion | dizoueegezh ![]() |
Luskad | Indian independence movement ![]() |
Ezel eus | Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, Naujawan Bharat Sabha ![]() |
Lec'hienn ofisiel | http://www.shahidbhagatsingh.org/ ![]() |
Facial hair | handlebar moustache ![]() |
Bhagat Singh, ganet d'ar 27 a viz Gwengolo 1907 hag aet da Anaon d'an 23 a viz Meurzh 1931, a oa ur broadelour reveulzier indian[1] hag en doa kemeret perzh e muntr faziek un ofiser polis saoz e miz Kerzu 1928, evel digoll da varv ur broadelour indian[2][3]. Goude-se en doa kemeret perzh en ur vombezadenn er vodadeg lezennel kreiz e Delhi hag en un harz-debriñ en toull-bac'h. Kement-se - ha dre ma oa taolennet brav gant ar c'hazetennoù perc'hennet gant Indianed - en doa degaset un tamm mat a vrud dezhañ, dreist-holl e rannvro Punjab. Goude ma oa bet lakaet d'ar marv e oa troet d'ur merzher hag un haroz pobl e norzh India[4]. Un den a arwazh e oa eus Bhagat Singh[5], kemmesket ennañ mennozhioù bolchevik hag anarkour[6], ha roet en doa nerzh da stourm ar vroadelourien en India er bloavezhioù 1930 ha rediet e oa bet Kendalc'h broadel India d'en em soñjal don war doareoù ar c'hampagn evit dieubidigezh India.
Notennoù ha daveennoù
[kemmañ | kemmañ ar vammenn]- ↑ Jeffrey, Craig (2017), Modern India: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, p. 30, ISBN 978-0-19-876934-7, <https://books.google.com/books?id=R3w7DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA30>, "Ar C'hendalc'h a veze rannet alies evit gouzout betek pelec'h e rankje chom hep feulster an holl doareoù emsavioù. Gandhi, memes ma oa levezon bras gantañ, en devoa enebourien. Pouezus eo anzav e oa ur skourr radikal sokialour e-barzh an emsav broadelour. Anv a ra an istorourien alies eus ar skourr-se hpa reont anv eus Bhagat Singh, ur reveulzier indian gant arwarzh lakaet d'ar marv gant ar Saozon asambles gant daou reveulzier all e 1931 evit muntr un ofiser polis saoz."
- ↑ *Raza, Ali (2020), Revolutionary Pasts: Communist Internationalism in Colonial India, Cambridge University Press, pp. 106–107, ISBN 978-1-108-48184-7, <https://books.google.com/books?id=snzUDwAAQBAJ>, "Bhagat Singh's life epitomized the political journeys of many disaffected youths who took to revolutionary and militant activism. Involved in a (mistaken) high-profile assassination of John Saunders, ..."
- Moffat, Chris (2019), India's Revolutionary Inheritance: Politics and the Promise of Bhagat Singh, Cambridge University Press, pp. 78–79, ISBN 978-1-108-75005-9, <https://books.google.com/books?id=9sqCDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA78>, "One month after Lajpat Rai's death, at 4:30 pm on 17 December 1928, members of the HSRA ambushed Assistant Superintendent of Police J. P. Saunders as he was leaving the police station on Lahore's College Road. He was shot once by Shivaram Rajguru, and then again by Bhagat Singh." As the two fled through the gates of the DAV College located opposite the station, their comrade Chandrashekhar Azad fired at the pursuing officer, Constable Chanan Singh. Both Singh and Saunders died from their wounds. Amid the chaos, there was some room for farce. Saunders was not the primary target; the HSRA's Jaigopal mistook the assistant for his boss, Mr. Scott, the man who had ordered police to charge the Simon Commission protestors two months earlier. Once it was clear this was a subordinate and not Scott, the revolutionaries scrambled to amend posters prepared in advance to announce the act."
- ↑ *Vaidik, Aparna (2021), Waiting for Swaraj: Inner Lives of Indian Revolutionaires, Cambridge University Press, p. 121, ISBN 978-1-00-903238-4, <https://books.google.com/books?id=WSI3EAAAQBAJ&pg=PA121>, "The memoirs poignantly recount how they would be filled with agony and remorse after the assassinations and the deaths of the innocent. For instance, Azad shot the Indian constable Chanan Singh, who had chased Bhagat and Rajguru as they escaped through the DAV College after shooting Saunders. Azad was standing guard a few metres away from Bhagat and Rajguru supervising the operation and, if needed, was supposed to give them cover. Azad called out to Chanan Singh to give up the chase before shooting but Chanan did not heed the warning and kept running. Azad lowered his gun and aimed at his legs and shot a preventive bullet. It got Chanan in the groin and he eventually bled to death. The well-being of Chanan Singh's family kept nagging Azad, who would voice his worries time and again to his associates."
- Vaidik, Aparna (2021), Waiting for Swaraj: Inner Lives of Indian Revolutionaires, Cambridge University Press, pp. 121–122, ISBN 978-1-00-903238-4, <https://books.google.com/books?id=WSI3EAAAQBAJ&pg=PA121>, "Despite it being a vengeful act, even Rajguru and Bhagat Singh were deeply disturbed and filled with remorse after shooting Saunders. Rajguru opined: "Bhai bada sundar naujawan tha [Saunders!]. Uske gharwalon ko kaisa lag raha hoga?' (Brother, he [Saunders] was a very handsome young man. How his family must be feeling?)! Similar was Bhagat's state. Mahour recounts that he met Bhagat after the Saunders murder and found him deeply shaken. 'Kitna udvelit tha unka manas. Unke sayant kanth se unka uddveg ubhara pada tha. Baat karte karte ruk jaate the aur der tak chup raha kar phir baat ka sutra pakad kar muskaraane ke prayatn karte aage badte the' (How shaken his mind was. Despite his measured tone his discomposure was visible. He would suddenly stop talking mid-sentence and then stay quiet for a while before making an effort to smile and move forward.)"
- ↑ *Maclean, Kama (2016), "The Art of Panicking Quietly: British Expatriate Responses", in Fischer-Tine, Harald, Anxieties, Fear and Panic in Colonial Settings: Empires on the verge of a Nervous Breakdown, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 154, ISBN 978-3-319-45136-7, "Several HSRA members, including Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev, had dabbled in journalism and enjoyed friendships with journalists and editors in nationalist newspapers in Punjab, UP and Delhi, with the result that much of the coverage in Indian-owned newspapers was sympathetic to the revolutionary cause. By the end of 1929, Bhagat Singh was a household name, his distinctive portrait widely disseminated ..."
- Grant, Kevin (2019), Last Weapons: Hunger Strikes and Fasts in the British Empire, 1890–1948, University of California Press, p. 143, ISBN 978-0-520-97215-5, <https://books.google.com/books?id=RWWTDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA143>, "After 1929 the British regime became increasingly concerned that the hunger strike might break down discipline across the prison system and demoralize the police and army. In this year the power of the hunger strike was demonstrated by members of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association before and during their trial in the second Lahore conspiracy case. This case was widely publicized because several of the defendants had been involved either in the assassination of a police official and a head constable or in the bombing of the Central Legislative Assembly in Delhi. Bhagat Singh, the charismatic leader of the group, had participated in both actions."
- Raza, Ali (2020), Revolutionary Pasts: Communist Internationalism in Colonial India, Cambridge University Press, p. 107, ISBN 978-1-108-48184-7, <https://books.google.com/books?id=snzUDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA107>, "His trial became the stuff of popular legend, as did his hanging — and those of his comrades Raj Guru and Sukhdev – in Lahore in March 1931. Bhagat Singh's death earned him the title of Shaheed-e-Azam (Great Martyr). He was not the only Shaheed who went to the gallows for his or her revolutionary activities, nor was he the only Shaheed-e-Azam."
- ↑ Patrom:Multiref
- ↑ *Loadenthal, Michael (2017), The politics of attack: Communiques and insurrectionary violence, Digital Edition, Contemporary Anarchist Studies, Manchester University Press, p. 74, ISBN 978-1-5261-1445-7, "Though numerous illegalist anarchists are (in)famous due to their linkages to specific acts of political violence, the tradition includes many lesser known individuals. These include French illegalists Clément Duval, Francois Claudius Koenigstein (aka Ravachol), ..; and Indian socialist-anarchist Bhagat Singh who played a major role in India's anti-colonial struggle."
- Jeffrey, Craig (2010), Timepass: Youth, Class, and the Politics of Waiting in India, Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, p. 111, ISBN 978-0-8047-7073-6, "Bhagat Singh (1907–34), often referred to as "Shaheed (martyr) Bhagat Singh" was a freedom fighter influenced by communism and anarchism who became involved as a teenager in a number of revolutionary anti-British organizations. He was hanged for shooting a police officer in response to the killing of a veteran freedom fighter."
- Balinisteanu, Tudor (2013), Violence, Narrative and Myth in Joyce and Yeats: Subjective Identity and Anarcho-Syndicalist Traditions, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 141, ISBN 978-0-230-29095-2, "To capture better the political value of the manifestation of the contrary tendencies of monoglossia and heteroglossia in Joyce and Sorel, we might employ a term used to define the identity of the Indian anarchist Bhagat Singh: 'mystical atheism'. Singh developed his own brand of anarchism in the context of anti-colonial movements in India led by Gandhi and partly in relation to Irish anti-imperialism. Singh read anarchist philosophy extensively and translated Daniel Breen's My Fight for Irish Freedom (1924) under the name of Balwant Singh (Dublin, 1982, p. 54). In his 'Why I am an Atheist's, written in jail awaiting execution, Singh reflected on the role of religious belief in producing the romantic conviction required of the revolutionaries, but reasserted his faith in reason."
- Moffat, Chris (2019), India's Revolutionary Inheritance: Politics and the Promise of Bhagat Singh, Cambridge, UK, and New York: Cambridge University Press, doi: , ISBN 978-1-108-49690-2, "(p. 34) The worldliness of these spaces and print areas – rallies against the bombing of Medina at Mochi Bagh, reports from Munich in Lajpat Rai's weekly. The People, speeches on South Africa at the Bradlaugh Hall, books on the Soviet Union smuggled into Lahore by underground booksellers – allows us to approach a problem related to Bhagat Singh's biography: the manner in which the young man negotiated transnational currents so deftly, citing French anarchists in manifestos and regularly alluding to revolutionary Moscow, without ever once leaving India. (p. 151) The second function of the journey metaphor is to posit the eventual arrival at something refined, comprehensive, stable. If Bhagat Singh is separated from a 'terrorist' past above, here he is propelled into the future, beyond the event of death. The nature of his destination varies across the corps: for some it is most certainly Marxist, for others anarchist. <Footnote 128:Regarding the move from 'libertarian socialism' to 'decentralized collectives', the American historian and anarchist activist Maia Ramnath writes on Bhagat Singh that 'one revolutionary who might have been capable of persuasively elaborating such a synthesis died too soon to do so.' Ramnath, Decolonizing Anarchism, 145>"
- Vaidik, Aparna (2021), Waiting for Swaraj: Inner Lives of Indian Revolutionaries, Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, p. 123, ISBN 978-1-108-83808-5, "As Bhagat wrote in one his essays: 'All forms of government rest on violence.' The state, in the Marxist–anarchist conception, was the focal point of violence. "at is, the state created and perpetuated conditions of violence. If elimination of structural violence was the aim then the state as a form of human governance had to be done away with. Bhagat Singh questioned the desirability of all forms of state systems, democratic or otherwise: 'They say: "Undermine the whole conception of the State and then only we will have liberty worth having."' In Bhagat's conception, anti-statism (or astatism) was almost indistinguishable from anarchism. The post-revolutionary society was to be one with absolute individual freedom: a society created, maintained and experienced collectively, and where military and bureaucracy were no longer needed. The statement the HSRA revolutionaries made to the Commissioner of the Special Tribunal, for instance, declared: 'Revolutionaries by virtue of their altruistic principles are lovers of peace – a genuine and permanent peace based on justice and equity, not the illusory peace resulting from cowardice and maintained at the point of bayonets.' Here poorna swaraj transformed into an 'astatist' and 'aviolent' utopia for absolute political and human freedom even if the means of achieving this goal were violent or involved staging an armed revolution."